“We’re fighting all the subpoenas.”
With this vow to reporters on Wednesday, President Trump laid bare his approach to the concept of congressional oversight. As the Democratic-controlled House ramps up its investigations of his administration, Mr. Trump is throwing up a stone wall.
Among the congressional requests denied in recent days: Mr. Trump’s top immigration adviser, Stephen Miller, has declined an invitation to discuss immigration policy; the Justice Department has rebuffed a subpoena for John Gore, a deputy attorney general, to answer questions about the 2020 census; and the White House has instructed a former staffer, Carl Kline, not to provide information about how security clearances are granted. Mr. Trump called the subpoena for Donald McGahn, the former White House counsel, “ridiculous.” And while the Internal Revenue Service is still officially considering the request by the House Ways and Means Committee for Mr. Trump’s tax returns, the president’s acting chief of staff has already declared that Democrats will “never” get their hands on them.
Mr. Trump and his defenders justify such defiance by saying that the inquiries are partisan and thus illegitimate. “These aren’t, like, impartial people,” the president said of Democratic lawmakers.
Mr. Trump is leaning heavily on executive privilege, the principle that the president and other senior officials have the right to confidential deliberations within the executive branch. But scholars say executive privilege is a tradition, not a law. Neither the phrase nor the concept appears in the Constitution. Even so, since the establishment of the presidency, all of its occupants have at some point claimed the implied prerogative as fundamental to the separation of powers.
In the past, many such disputes have been handled through negotiation. In 1796, George Washington refused a House request for documents concerning the Jay Treaty with Britain, arguing that treaties were the sole purview of the Senate — to which he did release the papers.
Some battles land in court. The Obama White House rejected Congress’s demand for documents related to Operation Fast and Furious, the failed gun-trafficking investigation. The resulting showdown led to a legal defeat for the administration, which wound up having to surrender the documents; Attorney General Eric Holder Jr. became the first sitting cabinet member to be held in contempt of Congress.
President Dwight Eisenhower, credited as the first president to use the phrase “executive privilege,” pushed the privacy envelope further than most. During Senator Joseph McCarthy’s anti-Communist frenzy, Mr. Eisenhower blocked numerous advisers from appearing before Congress to answer the senator’s often-baseless accusations. The president warned, “Any man who testifies as to the advice he gave me won’t be working for me that night.” Executive branch officials invoked the privilege at least 44 times.
President Richard Nixon tested the limits of privilege in a different way. In 1973, as the Senate’s Watergate hearings were heating up, he sought to bar key aides from testifying. Senator Sam Ervin, head of the Watergate select committee, responded by threatening to jail anyone who refused to appear. Of the president’s privacy argument, Mr. Ervin said, “That is not executive privilege, that is executive poppycock.”
Mr. Nixon also tried to block the release of incriminating recordings of his discussions with aides. The Supreme Court, in United States v. Nixon, ruled that while a claim of executive privilege was at times defensible, it was not absolute. Notably, it should not hold when the information sought is pertinent to the investigation of potential crimes.
This distinction could prove of some interest to Mr. Trump as the current conflict rages.
While executive privilege is a common presidential tool, historians note that Mr. Trump’s usage is decidedly uncommon, if not unprecedented. Unlike his predecessors, who invoked privilege in specific cases, Mr. Trump has vowed that he will not cooperate with any congressional inquiry. He is effectively declaring lawmakers powerless over him. This, warn the experts, puts the nation in uncharted territory and threatens to erode its democratic foundations.
So where does Congress go from here? To the courts, in some instances. Already, suits and countersuits are being filed, setting up the judicial branch to define the parameters of the relationship between its legislative and executive counterparts.
Even if Democrats ultimately win many of these challenges, time is on the president’s side. Part of his team’s strategy is to bog down the process in litigation, denying the public clarity until after the 2020 election. To get the information they need, Democrats must prioritize their targets.
Other avenues of recourse being floated, some more seriously than others, include fining or even jailing officials who refuse subpoenas; withholding funding from agencies whose heads fail to cooperate; docking the pay of officials who try to prevent others from cooperating; and, if the situation becomes dire enough, impeaching the heads of obdurate agencies. House Democrats are moving to hold those who ignore subpoenas in contempt of Congress — a process that Speaker Nancy Pelosi presciently streamlined shortly after assuming control by giving the power to pursue legal action against noncompliant witnesses to a bipartisan panel of five members.
And so the process will grind on, as it must if Congress is to demand any sort of accountability from a president intent on undermining its authority.
Presidents clash with Congress, at times fiercely. The founders wanted it that way. But in declaring war on congressional oversight, Mr. Trump is not looking to maintain a balance of powers. He is looking to blow up the scales.
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大众心水网址五湖四海“【没】【事】。” 【而】【婚】【礼】【结】【束】【后】，【天】【空】【突】【然】【撒】【下】【了】【玫】【瑰】【花】。 【所】【有】【人】【都】【很】【意】【外】。【唯】【独】【除】【了】【顾】【家】【的】【人】。【和】【萧】【瑾】【辰】【一】【行】【人】。 “【安】【好】，【嫁】【给】【我】【吧】！” 【顾】【余】【笙】【突】【然】【跪】【在】【安】【好】【面】【前】。 “【顾】【余】【笙】，【你】，【你】……” 【安】【好】【不】【知】【道】【这】【是】【事】【先】【准】【备】【好】【的】。 “【我】【早】【就】【准】【备】【了】【这】【一】【切】。【我】【不】【想】【等】【了】。” “【你】……” 【安】
【李】【父】【妥】【妥】【的】【下】【马】【威】【让】【朱】【掌】【柜】【气】【的】【手】【发】【抖】，【刚】【想】【分】【辨】【几】【句】【的】【时】【候】，【李】【俊】【阳】【从】【屋】【里】【搬】【出】【凳】【子】【放】【在】【院】【里】【说】【道】：“【李】【心】【姑】【娘】【是】【应】【该】【多】【出】【来】【晒】【晒】【太】【阳】，【日】【脚】【淡】【光】【红】【洒】【洒】，【薄】【霜】【不】【消】【桂】【枝】【下】。” 【李】【心】【抬】【头】【看】【了】【眼】【自】【己】【头】【顶】【上】【的】【桂】【花】【树】【笑】【着】【说】【道】：“【冉】【冉】【晨】【雾】【重】，【晖】【晖】【冬】【日】【微】。” 【装】X【谁】【不】【会】【啊】，【熟】【读】【唐】【诗】【三】【百】【首】，【不】【会】【吟】【也】【说】
【见】【事】【情】【的】【发】【展】【进】【入】【自】【己】【预】【想】【的】【轨】【道】，【兰】【雪】【儿】【心】【中】【暗】【自】【高】【兴】，【当】【即】【宣】【布】【比】【武】【环】【节】【陆】【秋】【笙】、【阿】【史】【那】【恨】【飞】、【公】【孙】【鞅】【三】【人】【不】【分】【上】【下】。【为】【公】【平】【起】【见】，【三】【人】【再】【加】【赛】【一】【项】，【各】【自】【到】【一】【处】【州】【县】，【考】【察】【那】【里】【的】【实】【际】【情】【况】，【拿】【出】【治】【理】【方】【略】，【以】【三】【人】【治】【理】【方】【略】【的】【优】【劣】【来】【分】【出】【高】【低】【上】【下】。 【三】【人】【听】【后】【心】【态】【各】【异】，【陆】【秋】【笙】【想】【的】【是】【自】【己】【的】【方】【略】【若】【能】【造】【福】大众心水网址五湖四海【至】【于】【第】【三】【个】【研】【究】【项】【目】【就】【比】【较】【复】【杂】【了】。 【是】【关】【于】【天】【体】【意】【子】【如】【何】【控】【制】【引】【力】、【如】【何】【观】【测】【外】【界】、【如】【何】【储】【存】【信】【息】【等】【关】【键】【问】【题】，【对】【于】【这】【方】【面】【的】【研】【究】，【金】【属】【文】【明】【的】【突】【破】【进】【度】【并】【不】【像】【前】【两】【个】【项】【目】【那】【么】【大】，【但】【也】【形】【成】【了】【一】【定】【的】【科】【学】【理】【论】，【并】【且】【这】【些】【理】【论】【已】【经】【被】【实】【验】【证】【实】【了】【一】【部】【分】。 【比】【如】【说】，【天】【体】【意】【子】【如】【何】【控】【制】【引】【力】？ 【众】【所】【周】【知】，【无】
“【啧】【啧】【啧】，【一】【来】【就】【要】【血】，【讲】【的】【我】【那】【么】【随】【便】。”【寒】【雨】【吴】【道】。 “【速】【度】。”【皇】【甫】【景】【哲】【皱】【眉】【道】“【是】【自】【己】【放】【还】【是】【我】【帮】【你】【倒】？” “【喂】【喂】【喂】！【什】【么】【叫】【倒】？【你】【这】【是】【要】【把】【我】【放】【干】【吗】？【忒】【狠】【毒】【了】！”【寒】【雨】【吴】【立】【马】【炸】【毛】“【我】【好】【歹】【血】【统】【尊】【贵】，【一】【出】【来】【也】【是】【人】【人】【放】【在】【手】【心】【上】【捧】【着】【的】【当】【宝】【贝】【含】【着】【的】【好】【吧】！【怎】【么】【到】【你】【这】【什】【么】【都】【不】【是】【了】？” “【你】
【结】【婚】【后】【丁】【夜】【非】【要】【带】【柳】【星】【颜】【去】【蜜】【月】【旅】【行】，【虽】【然】【行】【动】【不】【便】【的】【柳】【星】【颜】【哪】【都】【不】【想】【去】。 【但】【最】【后】【还】【是】【无】【奈】【随】【他】【去】【了】【就】【近】【的】【一】【个】【海】【岛】。 【这】【上】【午】，【阳】【光】【很】【好】，【丁】【夜】【拉】【着】【柳】【星】【颜】【去】【海】【边】【走】【走】，【这】【里】【的】【海】【岸】【边】【有】【一】【处】【很】【高】【的】【礁】【石】，【丁】【夜】【小】【心】【的】【扶】【着】【她】【走】【了】【上】【去】。 【柳】【星】【颜】【心】【里】【嘀】【咕】【着】，【带】【孕】【妇】【来】【这】【么】【危】【险】【的】【地】【方】，【你】【过】【意】【的】【去】【吗】？